Editor’s Note: Jospe Borrell, High
Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security
Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, was scheduled to
deliver a speech in person at 11:00 am Beijing Time (GMT+8) on Friday
April 14 at the conference hall of the Center for China and
Globalization (CCG).
Unfortuantely, HR/VP had to cancel his visit because he tested
postivie for COVID-19. He has published his scheduled speech at CCG on
his blog, entitled My view on China and EU-China relations.
HR/VP Blog – I was supposed to be in Beijing today to meet and discusswith
Chinese leaders EU-China relations, regional and global issues.
Unfortunately, I had to cancel my visit because I tested positive for
COVID-19, but I publish here the speech I was going to deliver at the
Centre for China and Globalization on Friday.
My first visit to China was in 1987 when, as Spain’s Secretary of
State for the Treasury, I came to sign the first agreement on double
taxation for our companies. At that time, China was beginning its
impressive economic take-off and its opening to the world. I returned in
2006 as President of the European Parliament. It was already another
China, the one that was at the heart of the shift in the centre of
gravity of the world economy from the Atlantic to the Pacific. It had in
the meantime joined the WTO and was emerging as a central player in
global economic relations. I had a long conversation with President Hu
Jin Tao, who then invited me to speak at the Chinese Communist Party
Leadership School. At that time, China already had a large amount of
foreign exchange reserves invested in U.S. government debt. I remember
that in my lecture I pointed out that the irony was that the dollar
exchange rate depended on the decisions of the Chinese Communist Party.
But these decisions were double-edged, because a depreciation of the
dollar would automatically reduce the value of these reserves.Later, in 2019, I also visited Beijing as Spain’s Foreign Minister,
invited to the celebration ceremonies of the “Belt and Road Initiative”.
During all this time, China has continued its economic development. It
is no longer a simple producer of low-cost goods with cheap labour, but a
technological powerhouse that has achieved the historic feat of lifting
hundreds of million people out of poverty over the past 50 years. This
is a great achievement of mankind and was made possible by the policy
choices of the Chinese authorities, being also time in favour of open
markets and free trade.The Chinese and US economies have been deeply and increasingly
intertwined. So does the European economy. 20% of our imports come from
China, which is the destination of 9% of our exports; our trade
represents 2.3 billion euros per day. However, the imbalance is
continuously getting bigger and our trade deficit has doubled in the
last two years. This is of course unsustainable and needs to be
addressed, principally through the removal of the myriad of market
access barriers that European companies still face in China. As the
president of the European Commission said in Beijing only a week ago, we
need transparency, reciprocity. In short, a level playing field.The world has changed and so has ChinaHowever, since then, the world has changed and so has China. The time of the “mondialisation heureuse”
is over. The benefits of the economic integration are being
re-evaluated through the lens of national security. We have to face the
climate emergency, the consequences of the pandemic, and Russia’s war of
aggression against Ukraine. This war has fuelled shocks on supply
chains, and a food and energy crisis. In this context, we believe that
China must exercise more responsibility, also for security and peace. It
cannot avoid this. If we want an international order where cooperation
prevails over confrontation, everyone must fully exercise their
responsibilities to ensure respect for international law.I strongly believe in the importance of public diplomacy, in personal
and human exchanges and that both sides gain from knowing each other
better. This is why cultural and personal exchanges between Europe and
China must be resumed as soon as possible after three years of
interruption. The primary foundation of our relations should be mutual
knowledge and respect. The Covid-19 crisis and recent international
tensions have widened the knowledge gap between Europe and China. We
must work together to reduce this gap.I know that the functioning of the EU, which is a kind of
confederation of states, may seem complex. However, when it comes to
foreign and security policy it is based on simple principles. The
European Council, which brings together the heads of state and
government of the member states, defines the strategic choices of the
Union, The ministers and the European Commission implement them and the
European Parliament monitors its activity.In this system, the member states retain responsibility for their
foreign and security policy. My role as High Representative is to build a
common policy, which becomes the external policy of the Union, whether
it is in relation to China or any other country, and to represent it in
the world at ministerial level.All this may seem complex. But this complexity has an advantage of
creating a supranational and democratic European system that has ensured
peace and proserity among Europeans. And this is what counts.In the face of the recent extreme challenges, the EU has been able to
show remarkable unity in its foreign and security policy. As a response
to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it immediately took
ground-breaking initiatives in record time, providing military and
financial support to Ukraine and adopting ten packages of sanctions
against the Russian war machine.How do we see China?The EU’s current position on China, endorsed by the European Council in 2020, is based on the known triptych: partner, competitor and systemic rival.
A lot has happened since then. Bilateral relations between the EU and
China have deteriorated in recent years, due to a growing number of
irritants (like China’s disproportionate response to EU’s targeted
restricted measures, China’s trade measures against Lithuania, with a
direct impact on our EU single market, and China’s position on the war
against Ukraine). But at the same time, we have remained committed to
engagement and cooperation and recognise China’s crucial role in solving
global and regional problems. On climate change, for example: despite
China’s growing efforts in the fight against CO2 emissions, China still
burns as much coal as the rest of the world combined. There is no chance
of finding a solution to global warming without a strong partnership
with and engagement of China.Having said that, I will come to my main point. And this comes down
to two fundamental questions: how do we see China? And under what
conditions can we learn to work together?How do we see China? We see it as a power with a large population,
the rise of which is part of the long history of humanity. With an
average annual GDP growth rate of 9% over the last fifty years and a
massive eradication of poverty.However, we know from experience that as soon as a country achieves
economic power it also naturally wants to project itself on political
and strategic levels. If China has made great progress, it is thanks to
its industrious and creative people, but it would not have happened
without the introduction of market principles, the economic opening and
the existence of an open multilateral system guaranteed by rules such as
those of the World Trade Organization.It is in the interest of all of us to respect these rules. But it is
also in our interest to update them. Because between the beginning of
the 2000s and today the world has undergone fundamental changes. Many
issues as important as export subsidies, energy transition,
digitalisation, cyber security or intellectual property protection,
which were not as pressing at the time, have become so since then.And in this new world there are new powers emerging. They demand
their place in the world order. We must accept the reality of the advent
of a more multipolar world, in which claims with often different and
sometimes divergent meanings are expressed. This reality is therefore
imposed on us as on others, including of course China.The need to reduce imbalancesWe do not fear China’s rise. However, we know that the history of
tomorrow’s world will also depend on how China uses its power. We do not
fear the changing world. Even more because, while we are aware of the
new realities, as Europeans we also have important political,
industrial, scientific and cultural assets. Our normative influence is
strong and often original. Our social and political model reflects this
originality and strength. It does not blindly trust either the market or
the state. It always strives to combine market efficiency with
individual protection, good governance and political pluralism. In
addition, there is indeed a European voice and a European way. In this,
what remains vital is that we all respect the core rules and norms of
the international system to which we belong.As I said, China and the EU have strong economic relations,
especially as to trade. The total amount of our trade has reached nearly
850 billion euros in 2022. But these exchanges are increasingly
unbalanced to our disadvantage. Our trade deficit has reached a record
of 400 billion euros, or 2.3% of our GDP.This imbalance must therefore be reduced. They must also be addressed
by allowing much better access to the Chinese market for Europeans. We
all have an interest in maintaining an open system. If imbalances are
not corrected, we have to react. Europe will remain the most open major
market in the world, but we will not hesitate hesitated to take measures
to protect ourselves against practices that we consider unfair. Neither
will be permit harmful activities that place at risk the national
security of our member states.The weaponisation of technology and interdependence is a reality to
which we have become very sensitive. The pandemic and the Russian energy
blackmail have taught us that we cannot be dependent on a single
country. We know, for example, that we depend excessively on certain
countries, including China, for certain raw materials such as cobalt,
manganese or magnesium. In the end, our real dependence stems from the
integration of these products in manufactured imports. Hence, the need
to diversify our value chains because the strategic importance of a
product does not only depend on the place where it is produced, but also
on the place where it is refined or manufactured. We must also prevent
our sensitive technologies from being used for military purposes.Our ability to quickly get rid of our energy dependence from Russia
shows that we are able to react quickly and strongly when our vital
interests are threatened. We have done this successfully, something
Russia thought was impossible. We have diversified our supplies, reduced
our consumption, increased the share of renewables and supported
Ukraine. Europe is not threatening anyone. But it will not let anyone
intimidate it.As agreed by the European leaders at their Informal summit of Versailles in March 2022,
Europe must now assume its responsibilities in all areas in order to
assert its sovereignty by increasing its defence capabilities, reducing
its dependencies and designing a new model of growth and investment by
2030.You can call it as you prefer: increasing our strategic autonomy or
de-risking, but it all comes down to the same thing. But let me
emphasize that these measures that we are adopting to defend ourselves
are not directed against a country and are compatible with WTO rules.Work together for the common goodI also believe that there is a multilateral space in which the
European Union and China can manage to work together for the common
good. For instance with the agreement of the Kunming Montreal Framework to
protect biodiversity and terrestrial and maritime ecosystems, or with
regard to tackling the excessive debt of the least developed countries
in the framework of the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative. This will also be the case with the draft international treaty on pandemics proposed
by the European Union. And above all we need to work together on the
crucial issue of climate change, where we do need a higher level of
ambition on China’s side to progress. Working together concretely to
tackle such global issues is one important way to restore the trust that
has been eroded between us.But this trust will only return if we manage to understand each other
on major international political issues and make progress towards a
peaceful resolution of conflicts. I know that from your point of view a
key issue is Taiwan. I am fully aware of this. On this subject, you
should know that the European Union’s position is consistent and clear.
It has not changed. We remain fundamentally committed to EU’s One China
Policy. We see no reason to question it. We must lower the tension;
avoid verbal outbursts or provocations that can only fuel mistrust.
However, any attempt to change the status quo by force would be
unacceptable.For our part, we have a major security concern, Ukraine. The
sovereignty and territorial integrity of a European country has been
brutally and flagrantly violated by Russia. It has been condemned by 141
member states of the United Nations, which shows how Russia has
seriously damaged the international order.I am not here to give lessons or advice to China. I have too much
respect for its independence and sovereignty. However, I would like to
say this in all friendship: it will be extremely difficult, if not
impossible, for the European Union to maintain a relationship of trust
with China, which I would like to see, if China does not contribute to
the search for a political solution based on Russia’s withdrawal from
the Ukrainian territory. Neutrality in the face of the violation of
international law is not credible. We do not ask anyone to align with
our own position. We simply ask to admit and recognise that in this case
there was a serious violation of international law. This is why I
believe that it would be helpful if President Xi spoke to President
Zelenskyy, and if China provided more substantial humanitarian aid to
the battered Ukrainian people.Take on responsibility and help Russia to listen to reasonRussia is in great difficulty. The lightning war that Putin imagined
has ended in failure. And because it is in trouble, it obviously wants
to involve China on its side. Right after committing with China not to
deploy nuclear weapons outside their territory, it announced that it
would do so in Belarus, increasing the nuclear risk. China rejects the
block mentality. So do we. This is why we will be particularly attentive
to any steps that China might take to finally make the Russian leaders
listen to reason. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council,
China has major responsibilities. We hope that it will take on more of
them, as it has for instance done in the Middle East by facilitating the
re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.Europe is defending Ukraine and prepares to welcome it one day in its
family. But today, Europe’s security is also at stake in Ukraine. This
why we will continue supporting Ukraine in every conceivable way:
militarily, financially, politically, diplomatically and humanitarian.
Our support is in no way the expression of a form of allegiance or
submission to another great power, as I hear some say, but the
expression of our own will. Please, understand this. It is our own
destiny we are fighting for.Come to Europe, you will see how much spontaneous support there is
for Ukraine and its people. Near my home for example, in Madrid,
surrounded by Ukrainian flags. It was not the government that demanded
this. It is the people and the municipalities that have spontaneously
mobilised alongside the Ukrainian people.For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhereI have not the space to discuss here in detail all the relevant
issues, some that bring us together and some that separate us. The issue
of human rights, for example. We have deep and serious differences
here. We must not hide this fact. However, this is also why we must
speak frankly, calmly and resolutely. We have resumed the dialogue on human rights between the EU and China after a four-year interruption. For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhere.
CCG Books
● Published by Palgrave Macmillan Singapore
● Editors: Wang Huiyao, Miao Lu
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This book aims to help readers make sense of our changing world by sharing the views of global thought leaders on some of the most important issues of our time, from US-China relations and global governance to climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic.
The ten dialogues in this book were part of the “China and the World” series of online discussions hosted by the Center for China and Globalization (CCG). The series features CCG President Huiyao Wang in conversation with experts from a range of fields, from renowned scholars of international relations, economics, and history, to journalists, policymakers, and business leaders.
This book focuses on globalization and China’s evolving role in the world, offering unique perspectives on a number of developments during a tumultuous period that began with Donald Trump’s election and ended with the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. This period saw the global landscape reshaped by China’s continued rise, intensifying great power competition, and a public health crisis that has changed how we live.
The essays center on three interconnected themes – China’s remarkable development under its policy of Reform and Opening-up, China’s deepening integration into the global economy and rise in an increasingly multipolar world, as well as the quest to revitalize global governance and multilateralism to address the pressing global challenges of the 21st century.
China and the World in a Changing Context-Perspectives from Ambassadors to China is the latest volume in CCG’s “China and Globalization” series, which seeks to create a balanced global perspective by gathering the views of highly influential scholars, practitioners, and opinion leaders from around the world on issues of policy and governance.
Ambassadors are a kind of vehicle and bellwether for globalization. These diplomatic envoys serve as pivotal contact points between nations across a wide range of fields, from economics and culture, to health and the environment. The special group of ambassadors in this book – all based in Beijing – are at the forefront of what, for many countries, is one of their most important bilateral relationships and the platform for one of the most striking and consequential developments in global affairs in the 21st century: the rise of China on the world stage.
Released nearly two years after the outbreak of COVID-19, Transition and Opportunity brings together an array of CEOs and senior executives from leading multinationals, leaders of foreign trade associations and representatives of advocacy groups on the ground in China to share their views on the potential and risks China holds for business as the world economy recovers.
The 22 entries in this book include contributions from the heads of Beijing-based chambers of commerce representing the EU, the US, France, Switzerland and Brazil and others, CEOs and senior executives of MNCs like Airbus, Royal DSM, Michelin, LinkedIn and Herbalife as well as representatives of global consulting firms like KPMG, PwC, Accenture and Roland Berger.
Divided into three parts - ‘The Big Picture,’ ‘Analysis and Advice,’ and ‘On the Ground’ - content progresses from looking at how countries balance their own interests with China’s for that elusive ‘win-win’ formula, to the role consultancies and advisors play in helping companies succeed, then looking at the experiences of individual companies to see how they have adapted and thrived in China.
This book brings together leading international scholars and policy-makers to explore the challenges and dilemmas of globalization and governance in an era increasingly defined by economic crises, widespread populism, retreating internationalism, and a looming cold war between the United States and China. It provides the diversity of views on those widely concerned topics such as global governance, climate change, global health, migration, S&T revolution, financial market, and sustainable development.
● Edited by Wang Huiyao, President and Miao Lu, Vice President, Center for China and Globalization(CCG), Beijing, China
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The internationalization of Chinese enterprises is one of the most notable aspects of economic globalization in the 21st century. Despite the 2008 financial crisis and weak global outbound investment, under the “go global“ initiative, Chinese outbound investment has gone from strength to strength, while also diversifying in terms of investment modalities, destinations, and industries. However, growing anti-globalization sentiment in some countries has also created new challenges for Chinese firms expanding internationally.
Drawing on nearly 3000 data samples, using both quantitative and qualitative research methods, this book presents unique insights into the features and patterns of Chinese enterprises’ globalization. The analysis provides a useful reference for enterprises that have already gone global and those that plan to. In particular, this book investigates challenges confronted by Chinese companies when doing business in foreign countries. It summarizes research covering three angles, namely: the current situation, causation analysis and corresponding solutions, and recommendations for firms, government agencies and other institutions.
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● Links：
https://www.springer.com/cn/book/9789811546457
● Published by Edward Elgar
● Edited by Wang Huiyao, President and Miao Lu, Vice President, Center for China and Globalization(CCG), Beijing, China
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An excellent guide for understanding the trends, challenges and opportunities facing China through globalization, this Handbook answers the pertinent questions regarding the globalization process and China’s influence on the world.
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An essential reference for academics and researchers looking for a go-to empirical resource, this Handbook provides scholars of economics, politics and East Asian studies with an exemplary selection of contemporary research on China and globalization.
● Authors: Wang Huiyao, President and Miao Lu, Vice President, Center for China and Globalization(CCG), Beijing, China
The first effort to address the gap regarding higher-end talent within the scholarly work on internal labor migration in China
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